Obama's Washington Is the Rodney Dangerfield of the Region Cross-posted with TomDispatch.com Put in context, the simultaneous raids in Libya and Somalia last month, targeting an alleged al-Qaeda fugitive and an alleged kingpin of the...Show More Summary
Two years since we succeeded in helping depose longtime Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi, things are not looking very rosy in liberated Libya. In fact, anything but stable Libya, flooded with weapons and still without a constitution,Show More Summary
When the Syrian civil war began in 2011, it seemed like another example of the Arab Spring which led to the overthrow of Gaddafi in Libya and the ouster of Mubarak in Egypt. The end of the rule of the Assads (father and son) seemed likely. Show More Summary
On 20 October it will be two years since the death of Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi, a mere colonel in the Libyan army but "Brother Leader" of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya - a man who wielded more power...Show More Summary
Thanks in no small part to the unceasing efforts by interventionist Republicans to criminalize the very Libya campaign they had once demanded, they have erased all credit for its nominal success -- even as they call for stronger measures in Syria.
Unlike Egypt -- in which the divisiveness is over whether the state should govern using religious principles or secular ones -- the conflicts in Libya, Syria, and Iraq are more tribally based or ethno-sectarian in nature. The latter three may be more solvable without the need for a despot, elected or not, at the helm.
Arming the enemies of our enemies hasn't made the U.S. more friends; it has made the U.S. more enemies. That is why only a diplomatic solution can stop the bloodshed.
The United States and its Allies outsmarted the Russians on Libya -- by enticing it into supporting a UN Security Council vote against Qadhafi. So...
It is not surprising that the power of technology available to support post-conflict humanitarian action vastly surpasses the ability of governments, multilateral organizations and commercial...
Moscow's take on the Libya war is that a Security Council resolution crafted to protect civilians ended up enabling regime change, which was never the original intent. Russia is determined that Syria not be Libya redux.
Ordinary Syrians are paying the price for the maladroit handling of the earlier intervention in Libya -- and indeed in Iraq. Blair and Bush's great adventure in Iraq understandably soured the enthusiasm of much of the world for intervention in general.
Many in Washington now dismiss further assistance to Libya as useless: the Libyans themselves are fractious and have limited 'absorbtive capacity.' At the same time, it is wrong to say we have no influence in Libya, or that we have no means of increasing that capacity.
As an oil-rich nation reeling from the effects of region-wide jihadist militancy, the stakes could not be higher.
The reality is that since the fall of Gaddafi's regime, there hasn't been a single day of peace. Once NATO left and journalists returned to their home bureaus, the situation has steadily worsened. The disarmament plan and the reintegration of militias into the army have failed.
Had you been able to time-travel back to the Cold War era to inform Americans that, in the future, our major enemies would be in Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, Mali, Libya, and so on, they would surely have thought you mad (or lucky indeed).
A number of analysts and scholars of the Middle East have argued that the revolutions and uprisings taking place in Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, and Syria are the first of their kind to take place in the region.
Libyans want to put the Qadhafi era behind them, but they also want capable individuals to draft the constitution, keep the lights on and the oil flowing. To achieve this they need a strong, moderate leadership.
The fight for Libya did not end with the death of Gaddafi. There are still many years of struggle ahead. Struggles for a new national identity, struggles for the development of new freedoms, educational systems, and of the new Libyan civil society. Show More Summary
If we want post-conflict Syria to end up better prepared to survive the chaos and despair engulfing Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and elsewhere in the region, we must do a much better job of marshalling and deploying the civilian, political and economic resources essential to the establishment of political stability.
Post-revolt Arab nations are experiencing tumultuous times. Underlying the volatility in Egypt and Tunisia as well as difficult transitions in Libya and Yemen is the increasing lack of confidence between Islamists and non-Islamist forces.